Council on Foreign Relations
China’s growing global engagement and presence has increased the number of conceivable places and issues over which it could find itself at odds with the United States, but potential developments in the territories immediately adjacent to China remain the most likely—and the most worrisome—sources of friction. In this CFR study, Scott A. Snyder, Joshua Kurlantzick, Daniel Markey, and Evan A. Feigenbaum provide policy options for preventing a major crisis and mitigating the consequences in North Korea, Myanmar, Pakistan, and Central Asia.
Council on Foreign Relations
In this Council on Foreign Relations special report, Evan A. Feigenbaum and Robert A. Manning examine Asia’s regional architecture and consider what it means for the United States. They identify shortcomings in the region’s existing multilateral mix and contend that the United States must increase its involvement in shaping Asian institutions in order to advance U.S. strategic interests and protect the competitiveness of American firms. The authors outline six principles for U.S. policy toward Asia as a whole and recommend particular policies toward Northeast and Southeast Asia. Among other steps, they urge the United States to maintain a strong presence at Asian meetings; avoid intractable security issues and focus instead on topics ripe for cooperation; make use of ad hoc groupings as well as formal ones; vigorously pursue regional and global trade liberalization efforts; and view some Asian institutions that exclude the United States as acceptable, just as with the European Union. The report also presents thoughtful recommendations for how Washington can influence the multilateral landscape in ways beneficial to American interests. The result is a document with important implications for U.S. policy toward a region that promises to play a central role in shaping the coming era of history.
In this comprehensive look at the future of China’s political economy, Eurasia Group’s China team examines the maladies that confront Chinese leaders and the solutions they have prescribed to remedy them. Their blueprint is the 12th Five Year Plan, a set of strategic goals and binding economic targets through which they aim to alter China’s macroeconomic landscape in far-reaching ways, with effects that are likely to be felt for a decade to come. But the report argues that China’s economic landscape will not change as fundamentally as the Plan’s designers (and many foreigners) hope. And that, in turn, means that China in five years will be more brittle and beset by social difficulties. Although China should have little trouble muddling through until then, Chinese leaders will likely face starker choices when the plan has run its course in 2015 than they do today.
Stanford University Press
In the spring of 1987, the father of China’s strategic missile program, Qian Xuesen, told colleagues that China must steel itself for a century of sustained “intellectual warfare.” His use of a military metaphor was not a linguistic quirk, but reflected the central role of the military in China’s emergence as a modern state, especially in the period since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Over the course of the Communist era, a uniquely military approach to China’s development became embedded in the ideologies of the country’s political leadership, in policy choices about national security and economic development, and in the organizational solutions adopted to put these policies into practice. This book tells the story of how and why the Chinese military came to play such a powerful role in China’s economic and institutional development. It weaves together four stories: Chinese views of technology since 1950, the role of the military in China’s political and economic life, the evolution of open and flexible conceptions of public management in China, and the technological dimensions of the rise of Chinese power. But the book primarily explores and explains a paradox. This military approach to technology and development emerged during China’s period of greatest external threat, 1950-69. Yet these policies and management methods persist even as China enjoys perhaps its most benign strategic environment since the 1840s.
Chinese language edition of China’s Techno-Warriors
National Defense Press (Taipei)
Author for the Central Asia Study Group and Project 2049 Institute
… an honest appraisal needs to acknowledge the many shortcomings of these American efforts. To date, and in nearly every respect, the United States has failed to achieve its initial, ambitious, strategic objectives in Central Asia … Clearly, it is time for Americans and Central Asians, working together, to reassess their relations in this important but volatile region. Our study group has considered U.S. interests in Central Asia. On that basis, we propose guidelines for American policy. In key areas, we put forth a bipartisan action agenda aimed at creating a more effective and enduring partnership between the United States and the nations of Central Asia.
Written in 1995, during Lee Teng-hui’s presidency, examines domestic change in Taiwan during the late 1980s and early 1990s. Analyzes the dominant trends and features associated with rapid change in areas as disparate as the institutional character of Taiwan’s political system, generational change and the shifting ethnic composition of Taiwan’s elite, the breakdown of the ruling Kuomintang, accelerating offshore investment, continuing economic integration with the mainland, and the connections between economic activity abroad and foreign policy formulation at home.